Why people worship at keramat?
(Source: No.1-26 Academic Session 1995-1997, Department of Malay
Studies, NUS)
The term "keramat" in Malay is derived from the Arabic term "karamah",
which refers specifically to the wali (plural. waliya
in Arabic), a close friend of God (Allah), or a pious person. It
may be applied to the living saint (sheikh) but, more often than
not, it is applied to the dead.
In the Malay tradition, keramat-worship is a legacy of early Sufi
Islam or Islamic mysticism (tasauf) which played an
important role in the spread of mystical teachings through Islamic
movements (Subhan 1960). The spread of keramat-worship, however,
was viewed by some fundamentalists as having the tendency to
divert Muslims from the mainstream Islamic movement, for the
keramat movement directly placed emphasis on saint-worship rather
than the true teaching of Islam per se. Others do not necessarily
hold the same view.
The underlying factor which had contributed to the popularity of
saint-worship among the Malays in Malaysia, Singapore and other
South East countries was that they had great regards for the pious
one, such as the sheikh or the leader of a Sufi order (tarikat),
not only as a repository of esoteric religious knowledge but also
as an extraordinary individual endowed with baraka (or
berkat in Malay), that is, semi-divine power acquired through
religious devotion and piety. Some of them were believed to have
achieved the wali or saint status and possess wonder-making
capabilities or magical power. Ordinary Muslims regard the wali
as a particular kind of friend of God, one whose special closeness
to divinity mediated between ordinary faithful people and that
all-powerful and distant deity. They turn to such living saints
for advices in legal disputes or as to the success or failure of
an enterprise or as intercessor for the sick or to get a child or
to remove blight or plague or confound enemies (Winstedt 1925:47).
Thus, a cult of saints which centred around the graves of deceased
and, sometimes living men and women, grew up in traditional Malay
society and served as the main focal points for laymen to become
formally acquainted with Islam.
The deceased Malay datuks are believed to manifest
themselves in the form of invisible spirits in particular
localities, whose duty it is to ensure the general well-being of
the residents who worship them. To the devotees, apart from the
sheikhs and saints, persons who have done good deeds and
contributed to the peace and prosperity of the community may also
be remembered and honoured as keramat after their demise.
In actual fact, the concept of keramat, or karamah
in Arabic, has its origin in pre-Islamic Arabian tradition (Serjeant
1981). The term begins to incorporate the concept of holy persons
such as the sheikhs and Sufi masters, after Islam was
instituted in the 6th or 7th century A.D. Epistemologically
speaking, therefore, the concept of keramat and its
practice claim no orthodoxy at all in Islamic origin.
As keramat-worship grew in importance in the archipelago, Islamic
and pre-Islamic notions of divinity and the supernatural and
superhuman came to dominate the Malay belief system. It is
therefore not surprising to find that keramat objects range not
only from holy men and women as well as their graves and relics
but also to groups of boulders, huge trees, tigers, dead shamans,
warriors, kings (Winstedt 1924), and legendary accounts like
Puteri Mahsuri, Pahlawan Hitam, and the Wells of the Seven Sisters
on Pulau Langkawi become important vehicles for the development of
keramat (Ismail 1990; Braddron Asiqin 1988) and the sanctification
of its natural environment.
Two forms of Keramat
Based on the above discussion, keramat in Malay may thus exist in
two forms: material and non-material, or kasar and halus (Greetz
1969). In its material form, a keramat is "the bodily tenement or
receptacle containing the soul of the departed saint or ancestor
of the village" (Skeat 1984:673). In non-material form, keramat
means "sanctity" and "miraculous power" attributed to the soul of
the departed saint or ancestral guardian of the village. In some
cases, the concept of keramat is used to refer to living saints.
Under these circumstances, the material and non-material aspects
of the keramat may have to take into consideration this aspect
Malay sainthood. It is generally used adjectively, being applied
to both animate and inanimate objects, including men, animals,
plants, stones, earth mounds, whirlpools, and such like natural
phenomena.
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Figure 1. Simplified classification of Keramats in Malay Folk
Belief
Keramat-worship is not encouraged among Muslims
Because of this tendency, Islamic theologians and jurists were
influenced by popular consensus to recognize saints and perhaps to
acknowledge their miracles. However, they did not cordon
pilgrimages to saints' graves and the practice of cultic
activities there. This is because Islam preaches the existence of
one God, and all pseudo-plural deities are non-entities and have
to be repudiated, so that Muslims should have no other gods but
God alone. The concept of the one and the only God (tauhid)
is embodied in the Islamic confession of faith (kalimah syahadat)"
'La illaha illa Allah, Muhammad rasul Allah" (There is no god but
God alone, Muhammad is the messenger of God). Any attempt on the
part of believers to associate God with other pseudo-divinity is
labeled "syirik". This in fact forms an important basis
for devout Muslims' objection to keramat-worship.
In principle, therefore, keramat-worship is not encouraged among
Muslims. However, some Malays justify their belief in keramat by
saying that they are making efforts (ikhtiar) permitted by
God to bring them blessing, or that they are using an intermediary
(wasilah) in approaching Allah. To their mind, humans are
frail and unworthy to be in direct contact with God; they think
therefore it is right and proper to seek a holy person as an
intermediary to act on their behalf, so as to bring about
immediate and positive result. This should not come as a surprise
since Malays had long conceived of their ancestors as holy men
richly endowed with the power to intercede with Heaven on their
behalf before the coming of Islam. It is not surprising that, in
religious rituals, some Malays still prefer to Allah in the name
of the Prophet, saints and other people who possess the baraka
or karamah (blessing) from God. The belief in the efficacy
of this ritual is still reflected in the popular practice of some
Malays who visit shrines or tombs of saints to pray and to seek
the blessing and intercession of the holy persons buried there. As
time goes by, these places become sacred in the eyes of
worshippers and they eventually become keramats where vows are
made and offerings given (Mohd Nor 1985).
 
1. This Datok Keramat was built
under the shelter of a strangely shaped old Banyan Tree that is
believed to be very sacred
2. Rumour has it that on this tree, many people hung themselves to
meet their ends;
3. But what makes it as a keramat is the belief of a Holy lady
buried at the tree;
4. The intriguing legend, however, is that on the back of the
shrine there is an oracle "eye" that can telepathically
communicate with us
Some devotee said the eye will "blink" to you as an acknowledgment
of promising your request will be granted when you pray to it
Hence it is nicked as the "eye" shrine. Supernatural or
superstitious?
Characteristic of Keramat worship
Despite Islam's position as the centre of Malay society in the
archipelago, fundamental indigenous beliefs prior to the process
of Islamization were still retained by majority of the Malays in
the past. This is especially true in the case of keramat worship.
As asserted by Walter Skeat (1984: 61), "although officially the
religious centre of the village community is the mosque, there is
usually in every small district a holy place known as the 'keramat',
at which vows are paid on special occasions, and which is invested
with a very high degree of reverence and sanctity."
Keramat worship in the Malay society takes various forms. Based on
Figure 1 above, these can be classified into five categories:
- Worship at the graves of
persons said to have attained sainthood (wali) while alive or
posthumously;
- Worship at the graves of kings,
magicians, founders of settlements, and sometimes those of
obscure and dubious history who are also referred as keramat;
- Belief in living saints and
wonder-workings (keramat hidup);
- Belief in keramat objects
possessed of magical and wonderful powers; and
- Belief in animal keramat (Mohd
Taib 1967: 188-189)
The belief and subsequent worship
of such keramat entail feelings of awe and reverence for the
objects of worship. They are believed to be pregnant with
supernatural powers, able to fulfill one's wishes when in need or
incur calamities when infracted.
The last three types of keramat savours much of the indigenous
belief in the notion of 'semangat' and nature worship. Things or
animals with extraordinary or peculiar physical characteristics
were revered as keramat. For instance, 'Gajah keramat' (Ghost
Elephant) has a stunted tusk or a shrunken foot, while 'Rimau
Kermat' (Ghost Tiger) has a shrunken foot. Both are believed to be
guardian spirits of some shrines in the village.
Although grave keramat are generally assumed to have Islamic
sanctity, their authenticity in relation to Islam can be doubted.
Often, Islamic, Persian and Arabic titles like Habib, Syed, Sheikh
and Shah are spun around spurious personalities to don the keramat
with a religious aura. For example, Keramat Iskandar Shah at Fort
Canning is actually the grave of a Hindu king who founded a
dynasty in the region. The Muslim name and grave are perhaps used
to immortalize awe and reverence for him. Moreover, the rituals
involved at the grave keramat resemble that of ancestor worship
which is certainly incompatible with Islam.
One common characteristic which can be detected in all the keramat
is the association of the color yellow with them. Originally a
royal color, the introduction of the notion of Keramat to the
Malay folks saw the transfer of this sacred color to the latter.
Some would argue that this was done to Islamize the practice of
keramat worship. However, this argument raises some doubts, as the
color popularly associated with Islam is in fact green, not
yellow. Hence the use of yellow is suspected to have the purpose
of creating an aura of sanctity related to the Malay divine
kingship, not an effort of Islamize keramat worship.
 
This is the Kusu Keramat on the
hill top of Kusu island. It attracts many devotees to come here to
pray and make wishes
 
1. When a big wish is granted, the
devotee would have to come back tie a big rig of a stone in red
color cloth (plastic bag) on the tree
2 - 4. General wishes that were granted require only a small
yellow ribbon to be tied on the nearby tree as a gesture of
gratitude
Rituals of keramat-worship
Rituals involved in the first two types of keramat are similar.
Underlying this form of worship is the Islamic cult of saints and
the belief that although the saints are buried, "yet he lives and
receives the worshippers' homage, hears their prayers and
intercedes on their behalf" (Subhan 1960:334).
Worshipping at a grave keramat entails making a vow ('pasang niat')
and fulfilling it when the request is met. A votary would pray and
request to be assisted in a particular project or be relieved from
a difficulty. If this request is met, he would then fulfill the
vow made earlier in the form of sacrifice or offerings. To remind
the votary of his vow, stones are tied to white or yellow strings
and are hung anywhere near the keramat. It is said that white
cloth represent moderate requests while yellow cloth significes
extravagant ones. The bigger the request is, the bigger the yellow
cloth will be. Vows can be made anywhere but it is believed to be
more effective if made at the tomb. To make it more concrete, vows
should be made with a 'seru' (verbal proclamation), for example, "Kalau
hasil niat saya ini Datok, saya nazar nak sedkah pisang setandan
di makam Datok" ("If my request is fulfilled, I will donate a
bunch of bananas to your mausoleum"). Some elements of ancestor
worship can be tranced here in the term 'Datok', which literally
means 'grandfather' or 'orang tua'.
Bananas are the Malay folk's favourite in making offerings. Beside
being unseasonal, bananas are also cheap and affordable to the
Malays who were generally peasants. Red colored eggs and yellow
glutinous rice are also offered. Yellow glutinous rice is believed
to be a symbol of unity. It remains ubiquitous, even today, in
Malay functions.
Beside bananas and yellow glutinous rice, other offerings and
sacrifice are also made. These vary, depending on the type of
request and the affordability of the votary. Some of these
offerings are: building mausoleum for the keramat, donating to
upkeep the shrine, promising to perform the haj, and dedicating an
animal to the keramat.
Requests normally deal with personal matters and they differ among
individuals. However, what is distinctly similar in these requests
is that they relate to immediate and local needs of the Malay
folks. Some of the more popular requests include the following:
the desire for progeny, the healing of incurable illnesses, the
winning of local disputes, the prevention of calamities, and the
solving of matrimonial problems.
Case Study
An interview with a 82 years old Tok Hamid (not his real name)
gave an insight on the practice of keramat worship in the past and
the reasons behind it.
According to Tok Hamid, although he and most of his folks were
Muslims, their cultural practices were still Hinduistic and
incompatible with Islam. Citing the gifts offered at the keramat,
Tok Hamid affirmed that the Malays in his generation did believe
that the food offered (usually bananas and yellow glutinous rice)
to the keramat would be consumed by the keramat concerned. Indeed,
this savours of indigenous belief in 'semangat', where deficiency
in vital force is believed to be replenished by diet. IN the case
of nature and ancestor worship, food is offered to appease
spirits. With regards to the grave-type keramat, Tok Hamid reveals
that some are not even graves. He said:
There would be some people who
want to gain some benefits from the villagers' worship of
keramat. So they take two tombstones, put them at a secluded
place and call it a 'keramat'. They Malay folks in the past were
very trustful. They believed in everything. Thus, when someone
called something a keramat, and incidentally somebody's wish is
granted from worshipping at the keramat, others would also
believe in the sanctity of the keramat.
Indeed, what can be deduced from
here is that not only is keramat worship incompatible with Islam,
but it has also been abused to serve some individuals' vested
interested.
Tok Hamid also pointed out the reasons behind the prevalence of
keramat worship among the Malay community despite the onset of
Islam. Talking from his personal experience, he said Islam was
taught to him in a superficial and ritualistic manner. Only the
fundamentals in Islam like prayers, recitation of the Quran,
memorizing the 20 trails of God ('sifat dua puluh'), ablutions,
and fasting were taught. Even so, learning was by rote and
memorization, neither understanding the meaning nor the rationale
underlying each injunction.
Tok Hamid also points out the lack of mass media facilities like
television and radio as the probable cause for the prevalence of
keramat worship in his time. In his opinion, such a situation
allowed information and religious education to be disseminated
secretly. Given the trustfulness of the Malay folks in those days,
Tok Hamid attests that people were easily taken in by stories or
lessons that were taught to them, regardless of the person's
credibility or authenticity of the story.
Tok Hamid no long practises keramat worship now because "through
time, with the presence of our religious teachers who were
educated in Islamic universities aboard, there is more meaningful
dissemination of the religion. I too began to realize that keramat
worship is against the teaching of Islam."
 
SPI in Keramat Radin Mas
Islamic injunction on keramat worship
The act of keramat worship, in the eyes of Islam, is 'syirik'. It
transgresses the most fundamental element in Islam, as it involves
deifying and recognizing another power alongside Allah. 'Syirik'
originates from an Arabic word 'Shrik', which means "association".
In this case, it is the "association of something with God, other
than God Himself" (Glasse 1989:370). 'Syirik' is the only act
which cannot be forgiven by Allah, as it denies the unity of God
Himself. As is clearly stated in the Holy Quran (4:116):
Allah forgiveth not (the sin of)
joining other gods with Him; but He forgiveth whom He pleaseth
other sins than this: one who joins other gods with Allah, hath
strayed far, far away from the right path.
'Syirik' also connotes idolatry,
which is "the act of associating with God other beings and
objects, or that of setting up partners to Him" (Mustansir Mir
1987:99). One of the major sins in Islam is also considered to be
the most heinous:
Allah forgiveth not that
partners should be set up with him; to set up partners with
Allah is to devise a sin most heinous indeed (Al-Quaran 4:48).
Islamic injunctions regarding the
worshipping of anything else besides Allah is distinctly clear.
Keramat worship is evidently one of the many forms of 'syrik'
practiced among Muslims today.
According to a recent report by the Department of Malay Studies,
NUS, Singapore, a survey on the status, functions and significance
of keramat worship among the contemporary Singapore Malays is
made. Thirty questionnaires were given to the respondents between
30 and 45 years old. This age group best represents the younger
generation of Malays who are exposed to education, both religious
and secular, and are more affected by the encroachment of
urbanization and modern technology. Furthermore, this generation
of Malays would allow us to make a prediction on the future
position of keramat worship among the Malay community in
Singapore.
In investigating the level of awareness regarding the
incompatibility of keramat worship with Islam, three questions
were put forth. In the first question, the respondents were asked:
In your opinion, is keramat worship against the teaching of Islam?
The response is as follow:
The respondents were then asked
the second question: If yes, indicate why. Alternatively, the
respondents were asked: If no, is any of the following your reason
why? (a) It is part of Malay culture; (b) It solves my problem;
(c) No one has said the practice is wrong.
None of the male respondents
responded to this question. This is in line with their earlier
response since more than 86% of them indicated positively that
keramat worship is against the teaching of Islam. In contrast, all
of the 15 females respondents indicated that "no one has said that
keramat worship is wrong." This is uncalled for since all of them
had already responded to the second question in the affirmative.
Notwithstanding that, if no one had told them that it was wrong to
worship the keramat, one wonders how they knew that the act of
keramat worship is 'syirik': that it is a form of superstition;
that it incurs the wrath of Allah; that it is against the concept
of 'tauhid'. Whatever may be the contradictions, the survey does
show that the young Malay Singaporeans are generally aware of the
incompatibility of keramat worship with Islam.
To investigate the relevance of keramat among the Malay community
today, the respondents were asked to indicate whether they would
visit a keramat, a bomoh, or a medical doctor for the following
problems: a child is sick, plan for a long journey, applying for a
new job, being anxious over uncontrollable situation, infertility,
lack of spiritual strength, martial problem, and aspiring for
success. The response of the male and female respondents is given
below:
Where would
male respondents turn to for consultation on personal
problems?
Where would female
respondents turn to for consultation on personal problems?
The 'bomoh' or 'dukun', as
compared to the keramat, occupies a more significant position
among Malay men although both the bomoh and the keramat have
somewhat similar levels of significance and functions among the
Malay women. Modern doctor is generally more popular than the
keramat among the Malays. The young Malay Singaporeans now turn
increasingly to modern doctors, and not to the keramat, especially
in areas where the keramat used to be an important source of
assistance for the Malays, for instance, in solving problems of
infertility or illness.
Conclusion
Though belief in keramat prevails among the Malays in Singapore,
the phenomenon of 'keramat worship' is at best obsolete today.
Belief in it still prevails, perhaps, because the Malay
community's religious world-view has provided a firm foundation
for its acceptance in Islam. More importantly is the Islamic
sanction on the ideas of keramat and 'tawassul' that allows the
Malay community to retain such beliefs till today.
The survey has revealed that the keramat no longer occupies a
significant position in Malay society. Islamic awareness on the
incompatibility of keramat worship is the direct cause of it. One
may ask why the keramat has lost its significance even when Islam
allows some forum of intercession. An answer which comes to mind
is that the Malays today, given their greater exposure to Islam,
would rather disassociate themselves completely from the idea of
keramat for fear that their acts, if done wrongly, may have a
tinge of worshipping in it. Moreover, requesting directly from God
is strongly encouraged in Islam as it is part of Muslim faith that
"Allah is enough for a Protector, and Allah is enough for a
Helper" (Al-Quran 4:45).
As pointed out earlier in the introduction, what is practiced by
some Malays who visit the keramat today is not 'keramat worship'
but rather 'keramat veneration'. As the concept of 'ibadah'
(performing something to gain blessings from God) in Islam is very
broad, this form of veneration is also considered one of the ways
in which one gets closer to God and gains His blessings.
Besides the veneration of keramat places, there is also the
retention of beleif in keramat objects. Things derived from
someone venerable like stones, strings and water are still
conceived to have the ability to avert one from calamitous
situations or contain healing power. The 'bomoh' or 'dukun', as
seen in the survey, still has some significance to the Malays
here. In fact, some 'bomoh' are still revered as 'kermat hidup'
(living saints) by those who have benefited from them. However,
reverence for the 'bomoh' does not extend to worship. Indeed, such
reverence is often based on the conviction that God has chosen and
blessed them with some power which others are not fortunate to
have. Likewise, for keramat objects, it is the belief that God's
omnipotence enables inanimate objects to have powers not possessed
by normal human beings. Hence, on occasions where doctors are felt
to be ineffective, such forms of keramat are resorted to by the
Malays, as it is believed that the keramat relates to both the
material and the spiritual worlds.
Malays have now gained a better understanding of their religion
and are more sensitive to it. With education, greater exposure to
Islam and the presence of learned religious leaders, there is
greater appreciation, observance, and respect for religious
injunctions which go beyond the ritualistic aspects of the
religion.
 
This is a typical scenario of
keramat worship where devotees come and pay homage to the Muslim
saints at their resting place
Reference
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Yang Berkaitan Dengan Keramat: Kajian Kes di Langkawi, Kedah. B.A.
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Note:
Majority of the respondents had received a substantial level of
education. About 2/3 of the males had obtained secondary school
education, while 1/3 had reached the post-secondary level. Among
the females, more than 86% received secondary education, more than
6% reached post-secondary level, and more than 6% had no formal
education.
Respondents were asked to classify themselves into four
categories: devout Muslims, staunch Muslim, moderate Muslim, and
nominal Muslim. Majority (86.7%) of male respondents categorise
themselves as "moderate Muslims" while the remaining 13.3%
consider themselves as staunch Muslims. None of them categorise
themselves as devout Muslims or nominal Muslims. Majority (80%) of
the female respondents consider themselves as moderate Muslims,
13.3% as devout Muslims, and 6.7% as nominal Muslims. None of them
categorise themselves as staunch Muslims.
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