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Unearthing the Secrets of Singapore Shinto Shrine -
Syonan Jinja
(Part 8 of 20) |
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Perspectives toward Understanding the Concept of Kami
 
SPI's offerings to Kami at Syonan Jinja
Professor Inoue Nobutaka, Kokugakuin University, Japan
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Introduction
The Japanese word kami is usually translated as god, however, it
is often claimed that the word kami and the English word god are
quite different concepts. Needless to say, they differ remarkably
on many points since they were originally used in cultures with
completely different backgrounds. The basic structure of the
monotheistic ideas in the Judeo-Christian tradition strongly
contrasts with that of the polytheistic ideas in Shinto. In
addition to the question of whether kami is to be understood as
monotheistic or polytheistic, consideration must also be taken of
whether it is to be viewed as a god of creation or one of
transformation; whether an absolute gap or continuity exists
between the god and human beings; and whether or not the god is
viewed as the source of strict commandments.
Likewise, ideas of kami have changed in many ways historically. In
ancient times, Japan was heavily influenced by Chinese and Korean
culture. Influence was also felt from India via China. As a
result, the ideas of Buddha, deities, and heaven that existed in
Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism strongly influenced the Japanese
idea of kami.
In the 16th and 17th centuries and again in the second half of the
19th century, Japan was also influenced by the Christian idea of
God. Catholic orders such as the Jesuits came to Japan in 16th and
17th century, transmitting to the Japanese a bona fide monotheism.
After a more than two hundred year government imposed ban on
Christianity, many Protestant and Catholic missionaries, mostly
from the USA, again came to Japan. Japanese began to deal with the
newly introduced idea of God and to find a way of spiritually
understanding it. Considering this historical process, it is quite
natural that the ancient idea of kami has changed considerably and
become complicated in modern society.
In present Japan, there exist various religions, such as Shinto,
Buddhism, Christianity and a variety of new religions. The number
of Muslims has also increased slightly in recent years. New
religious movements established in foreign countries are also
conducting missionary activities on a wide scale. These religions
have different ideas and teachings of god or gods. Therefore, the
juxtaposition of various ideas of gods is characteristic of
present-day Japan.
Considering these points, it should be clear that a point of view
for a discussion concerning the idea of kami in Japanese belief or
even within the Shinto tradition is never simple. In other words,
the results of discussions on ideas of kami will differ depending
on which age or upon whom the focus is put. For this reason, it
might be helpful to summarize the basic perspectives in order to
make clear the location of each paper included in this volume. The
first perspective is a general introduction on how foreign
religions or religious thoughts influenced the development of the
idea of kami historically. The second one is what dimension should
be considered when discussing the ideas of kami, namely, the
official institutional dimension, personal thought, the teachings
of religious organizations, or the folk belief dimension.
1. Historical Development
A. The Idea of Kami in Ancient Times
Although there are various theories on the original meanings of
kami, these etymological explanations have all but been abandoned
today.1 However, many scholars hold similar understandings on what
kinds of beings were imagined as kami in ancient times. Kami are
thought to have been worshiped through concrete objects. Celestial
bodies, for example, the sun, the moon, and the stars, were often
worshiped as the kami itself. Natural phenomena such as thunder or
wind were mostly considered as the workings of kami. Seas, rivers,
lakes, mountains, forests, and stones were sometimes considered as
places where kami stayed and at other times as the kami itself.
Many animals, especially snakes, crocodile, deer, wolves, bears,
monkeys, foxes, and crows, were also worshiped as kami or as
beings in which kami were manifest. On the other hand, rather
abstract ideas of kami were also observed. Ancestral deities of
clans or deities which guard local areas can be included in this
type. As kami exists everywhere like this, people at various times
worshiped them, were in awe of them, and prayed to them for
favors.
It is possible to guess how ancient people imagined kami by
reading ancient Japanese classics such as the Kojiki (Records of
Ancient Happenings), Nihon Shoki (Chronicles of Japan), and local
gazetteers known as fudoki (Records of Air and Soil). The Kojiki
and Nihon Shoki were compiled early in the 8th century for the
purpose of legitimizing the royal orthodoxy of the Yamato dynasty.
They are both collections of mythology and historical documents.
It is interesting that the pantheon and hierarchy of deities
differ considerably between the two books, especially in the
beginning chapters, in spite of the fact that both of them bore
characteristics of official documents. For example, the name of
the first kami recorded in the Kojiki is
Ame-no-mi-naka-nushi-no-kami, while in the Nihon Shoki it is
Kuni-toko-tachi-no-mikoto. Thus, it might be concluded that
Japanese mythologies were constructed from previous miscellaneous
stories and that continuity of the story was not so important.
Some kami were enshrined in jinja or Shinto shrines. However, the
relationship between kami and jinja in ancient times was somewhat
obscure. Except for a few examples such as the Grand Shrine of Ise,
the Sumiyoshi Shrine, and the Munakata Shrine, it is quite rare to
find jinja at which specifically named kami are enshrined, even in
the cases of jinja mentioned in the Japanese classics. In most
cases, the name of a jinja itself or the name of the place where a
jinja was established is used as name of kami. This means that for
the enshrined kami of ancient times being a god with a personality
was a weak factor. In later times, however, kami with names that
are proper nouns were enshrined in many places because the spirits
of the kami in Kyoto or Nara were divided and enshrined in local
districts. Dividing the spirit of a kami is an important concept
for understanding the idea of kami.
Kami were depicted as the subjects of creation, as concrete
objects, and as working processes. Like the gods of many myths in
other countries kami behaved just like human beings. However, in
most cases kami were not worshiped as concrete images, which is
quite different from Buddhism. Kami were often believed to work
through a yorishiro, a medium or symbol for the spirit of kami.
Stones, rocks, trees, boughs, animals, mirrors, jade balls, and
swords are famous as yorishiro. These yorishiro were often
recognized as the body of kami.2 Among these yorishiro, it is very
interesting that mountains were considered as not only sacred
places upon which kami descended, but also as the body of kami
itself. Such mountains are presently called shintaizan, and Mt.
Miwa is the most famous one. Thus, worshiping kami at any time
without a permanent building or structure for enshrining them is
not a problem.
It cannot be said that the ideas of deities appearing in Japanese
myths are by any means unique to Japan. Even in the descriptions
of the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki influences from China and Korean
cultures can be detected. As kanji or Chinese characters were
introduced from China as the first means of reading and writing in
Japan, it is inevitable that the ancient Japanese were influenced
by Chinese concepts and patterns of thinking when they wanted
express their ideas in written language. As a matter of fact, the
functions and the character traits of deities appearing in the
Kojiki and Nihon Shoki were more or less influenced by
Confucianism, Taoism, the I Ching (Book of Changes), Yin-yang
theory, and the Five Elements theory (Jp. gogy? Ch. wu-hsing). It
was impossible for the ancient Japanese to have accepted only the
Chinese writing system while excluding every other factor of
Chinese culture at that time.
B. The Harmonious Fusion of Buddhism and Shinto
After the initial introduction of Buddhist sutras to Japan in 538
via the Korean peninsula (Kudara), Buddhist sutras were brought
one after another from China. Buddhist monks visited Japan, and
some of them stayed. Various images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas
were brought into Japan. Techniques for making these images as
well as Buddhist temples were also introduced. The cultural
influences of this "imported" religion were large enough to cause
a great change in religious belief among Japanese.3 The most
important point with respect to the development of ideas of kami
is that a harmonious fusion of Buddhism and Shinto was observed in
many dimensions of belief, causing changes in the ideas of kami.
As a result of the introduction of ideas concerning Buddha and
bodhisattva and their widespread use as objects of worship among
ordinary people, the existence of kami came to be understood from
within more complicated patterns of thinking.
In the first stage of the harmonious fusion of Buddhism and Shinto
the interesting notion that stray or lost kami could be saved by
Buddhism appeared. Also the notion that kami existed for the
purpose of protecting the Buddhist dharma became prevalent.4 After
the acceptance of Buddhism, a thoroughly systematic religion, work
began on establishing the proper hierarchy for traditional kami.
This endeavor resulted in the development of the theory called
honji-suijaku in the 9th century. The thought underpinning this
theory was that Buddhas appeared in the world as kami for the
purpose of saving people.5
The concepts of honji and suijaku were said to have been used
originally in the Tendai (Ch. T'ien tai') sect in order to
distinguish between the eternal Buddha who transcends history and
Gautama Siddhattha, the historical Buddha born in India. This
principle was applied to the relationship of Buddhas and kami. It
should be noted that in the 14th century when the idea of Japan as
"the divine country" spread this theory was reversed mainly by
Shinto scholars, stating that Buddhas were manifestations of
Shinto reality, that is, kami. This idea was called han-honji
suijaku (counter honji-suijaku) However, this theory was not
accepted widely.
In addition to the influence at the ideological level, the
harmonious fusion of Buddhism with Shinto had a large influence on
worship and rituals for kami in daily life. Such influence is
expressed in common phrases like "to adore shin-butsu," "to pray
for shin-butsu," or "profits by shin-butsu." Here, shin-butsu,
namely kami and Buddha, have been paired together. The idea that
kami and Buddha, either as a merged entity or through mutual
effort, save people became accepted widely and is accepted even
now.
In the modern age, the Meiji government adopted a policy mandating
the separation of Shinto and Buddhism (shinbutsu bunri). As a
result, Shinto shrines were distinguished clearly from Buddhist
temples, and Buddhist monks could no longer double as Shinto
priests. In spite of this policy, kami and Buddha continued to be
worshiped as a set in folk belief. Nevertheless, the distinction
between kami and Buddha, namely Shinto and Buddhism, has been
maintained in spite of a long history of harmonization. It should
be noted on the other hand that they were never completely
unified. Japanese have recognized two categories in religious
belief as seen in the expressions shinji or matters concerned with
kami and butsuji or matters concerned with Buddhism. Rituals
concerned with security of communities, for example, are typical
of shinji, while funeral and memorial services are typical of
butsuji. Thus, although kami and Buddha are often identified, a
separation based on their role or religious function continues.
C. Development in the Early Modern Era
After Buddhism came to be accepted as a rather traditional
Japanese religion during the Middle ages, Neo-Confucianism, of the
Chu-Hsi school (Jp. Shushigaku), and Catholicism arrived in Japan,
bringing with them further influence on religious thought. The
extent and form of their influence differs greatly, however. In
the case of Neo-Confucianism, it was accepted in ordinary life for
its practical ideas or core of ethics, rather than for its
religious rituals. On the other hand, the Catholic influence was
temporary and definitely limited due to the fact that it was
banned by the Tokugawa government less than a century after the
start of missionary activities. Even so, Catholic influence on
idea of kami should not be ignored.
The Influence of Neo-Confucianism
The Confucianism of ancient China exercised influence on ancient
Japanese culture, including expressions and ideas in the Kojiki
and Nihon shoki. It was Neo-Confucianism, however, which deeply
influenced Shinto theology of the Tokugawa period. In China a
doctrinal reform of Confucianism was underway from around the 9th
century and Chu Hsi (Jp. Shushi: 1130-1200) established a
Neo-Confucianism based upon an elaborate theoretical system. His
thought was introduced into Japan by Zen Buddhist monks and
others. This new thought was gradually accepted by the
intellectuals of the day.
In the middle of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), Wang Yang-ming (Jp.
Ôyômei, 1472-1528) established his own interpretations of
Confucian philosophy. He taught a concise, unmediated access to a
spiritual state to be obtained through the "union of knowledge and
practice." This also had a strong influence on intellectuals,
especially on the samurai class. The ideas of ki and ri, very
important concepts in the Chu Hsi and Wang Yang-ming schools,
stimulated speculation over the ideal and moral aspect of kami.
Thus, consideration as to how the work of kami in actual society
and in personal life manifested itself was greatly developed. As a
result, a group of schools called Confucian Shinto was established
during the Tokugawa period.
Yamazaki Ansai (1618-82), one of the most famous scholars of
Confucian Shinto, had a very large influence on ideas of kami held
later by kokugakusha or scholars of National Learning (Nativism).
The school established by Ansai was called Suika Shinto (Descent
of Divine Blessing Shinto). Later, the students of Fukko Shinto
(Restoration Shinto) also established under the influence of
Confucian Shinto, showed a deep interest in the theological
systematization of the idea of kami. Among them, the most
important are Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801) who analyzed Japanese
myths by using philological methods and Hirata Atsutane
(1776-1843) who showed a strong interest in the theological
analysis of Japanese myths. They both made powerful contributions
to basic perspectives on the ideas of kami discussed in modern
academic Shinto studies.
As popular culture became more developed in the Tokugawa era,
discussions on kami were undertaken by people belonging to a wide
range of social classes rather than being limited to a small
number of intellectuals. This situation was related to the
appearance of Kyôha Shinto (Sectarian Shinto) and the new
religions of Shinto origin.
Christian Influences
The Christianity propagated by Catholic missionaries in the 16th
century influenced to some extent the development of the ideas of
kami. The concept of "God as the creator of the universe" was
first introduced by Christian priests and brothers who belonged to
the Jesuits, the Franciscans, and other orders. Christianity
spread rapidly during half a century under the favor of certain
powerful warlords such as Oda Nobunaga (1534-82). It is said that
the membership of Christians in the beginning of the 17th century
was a maximum of 300,000-400,000.6 Therefore, it is believed that
at the time the percentage of Christians in the total population
was higher than it is today.
The word "God" was translated as tenshu or the Lord of Heaven. It
is a fact that some Japanese accepted the idea of a god
controlling everything in the universe. After the Tokugawa
government banned Christianity in 1639, its influence became more
and more limited to a relatively closed circle of people. However,
their influence on religious thought should not be ignored. Some
scholars insist that the influence of the Christian idea of God
can be recognized in Hirata's idea of kami.7 It is sure that
Hirata was conscious of the idea of a monotheistic god when he
discussed the character of kami in his writings. This would in
part be the result of his having read books on the Bible that had
been originally published in China.
D. Development in the Modern Age
Christian churches started their missionary work in Japan again
around the middle of the 19th century. Protestant denominations
were particularly active after the Meiji Restoration of 1868.
Despite the activities of the many Protestant denominations and
Catholic orders, the number of Japanese Christians did not
increase a great deal. Presently, only about one percent of the
total Japanese population is Christian. In contrast to their
numbers, the social influences of Christians have been rather
strong. This is because the Christian churches were eager to
educate the young generation in their mission schools and as a
result their new members were mostly intellectuals. Presently
about two-thirds of the schools which were established by
religious bodies are Christian schools.8 Protestant denominations
were especially active in higher education. In this context, it is
reasonable to say that Christian ideas have exerted a huge
influence on society in spite of the small number of Christians.
For many Japanese modernization meant mostly Westernization so
many ideas concerned with Christianity became common knowledge,
although the number of people who actually became Christian was
quite small. As a result, when people talked about god they tended
to understand it chiefly from a monotheistic perspective. Japanese
traditional ideas of kami based on polytheism tended to be
regarded as a primitive concept of gods, especially in academic
discussions, literature, and essays in journals.
Although this attitude is not so remarkable these days, we must
not fail to note the change in the Japanese consciousness on ideas
of kami that has occurred in modern times. As Japanese people
began to understand monotheistic notions, they were able to grasp
the idea of kami from slightly different angles. This can be
understood as a relativization of the idea of kami arising partly
from the advancement of the intellectual level of the people and
partly from the process of Westernization. Moreover, it should be
supposed that the ideas of kami in the new religions of Shinto
origin were influenced indirectly by the Christian idea of God.
The reason for this is that there are many instances of new
religions constructing their teachings while being fully aware of
the Christian idea of god.
2. Dimensions of Discussion about Kami
As briefly demonstrated above, the ideas of kami among Japanese
have shown complex historical development. On the other hand, the
variety of ideas of kami in present-day Japan should be discussed
from another point of view, namely dimensions of perspectives.
While there are deep connections in the nationwide ritual system
of Jinja Shint?(Shrine Shinto), in the thought of Shinto
scholars, in the teachings of Shinto sects, and in folk belief,
they also exhibit a difference in their development of ideas of
kami. In the following sections the characteristics of four
dimensions of the concept of kami will be considered briefly: (a)
kami in the national system of veneration of deities (jingi seido)
and Jinja Shint? (b) kami in the thought of kokugakusha, scholars
of various Shinto schools in the Middle and early modern periods;
(c) kami in the teachings of Sectarian Shinto and new religions of
Shinto origin; and (d) kami in Folk Shinto.
A. Kami in the System of Veneration of Deities
The Ancient Jingi system
The jingi system was established in ancient times. The Chinese
ritsury?system, a system of penal code and laws, was introduced
into Japan in the 7th century. The jingi system was established as
a part of this system in order to venerate deities nationwide.
Japanese had established this unique jingi system with reference
to Chinese ideas of deities and rituals for them.9 In the Japanese
jingi system, a hierarchy of deities was established and orders
and classes of deities were set. For example, the classes of
deities were divided into fifteen categories. One of the first
records of assigning kami to a certain class is from the 7th
century. A kami's class was determined first by applying to the
officials of the Ministry of Religion or the local governments,
then a discussion was held by members of the noble families and
the Emperor's will ascertained. It is quite interesting that this
is exactly the same process used for the affairs of human beings.
Titles for kami were also bestowed. The most famous one is mikoto.
After the harmonization of Buddhism with Shinto, myôjin,
daibosatsu, and gongen were used as titles. In the early Modern
age, reisha came to be used for deceased persons, as it was widely
accepted then that deceased persons were to be venerated as divine
spirits. The special title, tenjin, is used for the divine spirit
of Sugawara Michizane (845-903). These examples make it clear that
classes of kami and titles for kami were modeled on hierarchies in
human society.
It is also possible to group kami according to whether they were
worshiped by the central government, by a local government, by
individuals, by a clan, or by the Imperial family. However, this
distinction is not a fixed one. Many cases can be found where
local deities became popular, or that kami venerated by a clan
came to be venerated by many clans or families.
At Shinto shrines kami were worshiped as saijin (enshrined
deities). In most cases, the saijin chosen for enshrinement was
related to the origin of the shrine. When a certain kami was
enshrined at a shrine, a "division of a divine spirit" was
sometimes observed. This division is called bunrei and it means
that an enshrined divine spirit is divided and transferred to
another shrine. Requests were often made for a division of the
divine spirit of popular kami. The kami that is enshrined in the
most shrines is Inari. It was very popular during the Tokugawa era
to ask the Fushimi Inari Shrine in Kyoto or the Toyokawa Inari
Shrine in Aichi Prefecture for a bunrei of Inari. The next most
popular bunrei was of Hachiman. This deity was originally
enshrined in the Usa Hachiman Shrine in Kyushu and worshiped as
the god of war. It was enshrined in the Iwashimizu Hachiman Shrine
by bunrei from Usa Hachiman Shrine. In the Middle Ages, Hachiman
was widely worshiped among the samurai class. A division of the
Hachiman divine spirit was requested because the Genji clan, which
in the 12th century established the first samurai led government
in Kamakura, venerated Hachiman as its ancestral god.
It is generally not the case that only one deity is enshrined at a
shrine. Most shrines enshrine multiple deities. Sometimes divine
spirits enshrined in other shrines are gathered together at one
shrine, a practice called goushi or joint enshrinement. If a
shrine has multiple deities, the most important deity is
understood as the "main deity," the other deities are designated
"combined deities." In Shinto, this kind of "importing" and
"exporting" of kami is quite free.
The ancient ritsury?system decayed rapidly in the 10th century.
Accordingly, the jingi system and nationally supported rituals for
kami declined and became nominal. However, the body of ideas of
kami did not change very much. Veneration at each jinja was
maintained and the number of jinja increased gradually.10 The kami
of the jingi system functioned in the myth of the state, the
structure of state control, and the symbolic meanings of the
Emperor system. This means that the idea of kami was deeply
connected with the Japanese sense of social order and the
structure of religious symbols. This observation also applies to
the modern jingi system established in the Meiji era.
The Modern Jingi System
After a long history of samurai-controlled government, the Meiji
government established a new social order and rearranged the jinja
system. As a result, people were again instructed on the
relationships between kami and the state and kami and the social
order. Using a system called kanpeisha and kokuheisha, it was
decided which shrines would be managed by the central government
and which by the local governments. The numbers of kanpeisha and
kokuheisha were relatively limited through careful evaluation of
each of the famous shrines. The Grand Shrines of Ise were put on
the top of the hierarchy since Amaterasu, who is believed to be
the ancestral spirit of the Imperial family, is enshrined there.
This new system was also taught in schools, for example, in
classes about myth. As one of its basic policies, the Meiji
government also decided to separate Shinto and Buddhism. It
intended to reconstruct the ancient jingi system and make it the
spiritual pillar of the modern state. However, this policy brought
about many social troubles because the harmonized fusion of
Buddhism and Shinto had become deeply rooted in local districts.
The modern jingi system changed greatly after World War II. It is
no longer possible for the state to be concerned with Shinto as
the new Constitution mandates a separation between Church and
State. Religious freedom became the principle of the Constitution.
Most jinja cooperated in establishing the Association of Shinto
Shrines (Jinja Honch? in 1945 with the intent of maintaining the
jinja system. Thus, each jinja became privately managed in the
postwar period. While these reforms resulted in changes in the
form of veneration at Shinto shrines, it cannot be said that any
conclusive changes occurred in the ideas of kami. It can be said,
rather, that indifference toward or ignorance of the deities in
Shinto shrines became distinctive.
B. Developments of the Concept of Kami
The Japanese concept of kami has been most influenced by foreign
thought and religions. Japanese scholars and theologians were
confronted with new influences in each age, namely with Buddhism,
Confucianism, and Christianity. Through these confrontations,
regardless of whether they ended with acceptance or rejection, the
traditional ideas of kami were reflected upon and become more
sophisticated over time.
Although medieval scholars had little influence on the thought of
ordinary people, their speculations contributed greatly to the
elaboration and sophistication of ideas of kami. In this context,
the following Shinto schools filled important roles: the Ise
Shinto school and Sann?Shinto school, established in the 13th
century; the Ryôbu Shinto school in the 14th century; the Yoshida
Shinto school in the 15th century; the Suika Shinto school,
Tsuchimikado Shinto school, and Yoshikawa Shinto school in the
17th century; the Unden Shinto school in the 18th century; and the
Fukko Shinto school in the 19th century. The schools established
during the 13th and 14th centuries were faced with the crucial
problem of how to incorporate traditional kami into the worldview
of Buddhism. This problem was also a problem of locating the
meaning of Japan within the context of the world. The reason why
so much thought concerning the harmonization of Buddhism with
Shinto appeared in those days can be explained partly as a result
of this endeavor. Thus, it was intended to unify the meaning of
the existence of the myriad of various kami with the worldview of
Buddhism, which itself was based on a complex set of doctrines.
Following the acceptance of Buddhism, the endeavor to apply
Neo-Confucian ideas to the Japanese situation in the Tokugawa
period produced the Confucian Shinto schools. Many Confucian
Shinto scholars engaged in theological arguments about kami. Among
the Confucian Shinto schools, Suika Shinto greatly influenced
later discussions of kami. In Suika Shinto it was claimed that the
true way was the teachings of Sarutahiko no kami, handed down
through Amaterasu ômikami. Here, in such an orientation can be
observed a theological arrangement of kami with reference to
philosophical development in China. It probed into the theological
meaning of Japanese kami.
Fukko Shinto (Restoration Shinto) was formed under the influence
of Confucian Shinto schools. Many of the scholars of Fukko Shinto
are also called Nativists or kokugakusha. Fukko Shinto and the
later Nativism widened the perspectives of former Shinto studies
and their social influence became much larger. They promoted a
systematic understanding of kami, theological sophistication about
the workings of kami, etymological and other studies of kami.
Their efforts were directed toward making it perfectly clear that
kami, as the origin of the Japanese belief, were the central
symbols of Shinto.
Some kokugakusha, as previously mentioned, were influenced by the
Christian idea of God. Under such influence they felt the
necessity to re-evaluate the function of kami that appeared in
Japanese myth as "creator." The discussion of the notion of the
"trinity of creation" is a fine example of this. The first three
gods, Amenominakanushi no kami, Takamimusubi no kami, and
Kamimusubi no kami, who appear in the opening sentences of the
Kojiki, were understood as creators. These three gods were claimed
to have had a role in the creation of the universe. Kokugakusha
attached importance to this idea in response to the
Judeo-Christian theory of creation. Such theological arguments on
ideas of kami established the basis of Shinto studies in modern
Japan.
C. Kami in Practice and Teachings
In the modern era Shinto underwent new development with the
appearance of Sect Shinto and the new religions of Shinto origin.
Among the actively proselytizing Shinto sects unique ideas of kami
began to appear, that is to say, names of kami not found in the
Japanese classics --- but nonetheless conceived of as representing
well the ideals of their sect --- began to appear. In the cases of
Tenriky?and Konkôky? which in the prewar period were part of
Kyôha Shinto but which today are regarded as early examples of new
religions of Shinto origin, kami was understood more in terms of a
monotheistic perspective.
Ideas of Kami in Sectarian Shinto
Sectarian Shinto refers to the thirteen officially authorized
sects in the period 1876 to 1901. Those sects are Kurozumiky?
Shint?Shûseiha, Izumo Ôyashiroky? Shinshûky? Shint?Taiseiky?
Jikkôky? Fusôky? Shint?Taiky? Ontakeky? Misogiky? Shinriky?
Konkôky? and Tenriky? Presently, however, Kurozumiky? Misogiky?
Konkôky?and Tenriky?are generally considered new religions of
Shinto origin.11 On the other hand, Izumo Ôyashiroky? Shint?
Shûseiha, Shinriky? Shint?Taiseiky? and Shinshûky?are
considered to be typical of Sect Shinto. The characteristic of
these sects in terms of ideas of kami is that in each a unique
deity is venerated, and respect is still paid to traditional
Japanese kami. At the level of the actual believer, however, there
is negligible difference in most cases between their ideas of kami
and those of ordinary people. They often indicate the unique deity
of their sect as their nominal objects of worship.
Ideas of Kami in the New Religions of Shinto Origin
The uniqueness of kami is much more remarkable in new religions of
Shinto origin. Most of the names of their kami are not recorded in
the Japanese classics. The main kami of the various new religions
is often a deity first revealed by the founder of the sect. For
example, the kami of Konkôky?is Tenchi-kane-no-kami, in Tenriky?
it is Tenri-?no mikoto, in Seich?no Ie it is Uch?Dai Seimei
(Great Life of the Universe), and in Suky?Mahikari it is Su no
ômikami. In the case of the new religions, kami is often
recognized as the root of life rather than as a creator god. It is
often claimed that various deities are, in fact, multiple
manifestations of the true god. This might be understood as a
fusion of pantheism and monotheism. It should be added that in the
new religions the actual object of worship is often the founder of
the sect. The founder is sometimes venerated as a "living god."
However, it is often the case that the kami of the new religions
are more realistic than those of Sect Shinto. They are imagined as
beings who want to save human beings, to save the world from
catastrophic happenings, or to realize heaven in this world.
D. Kami in Folk Belief
Folk Shinto can be defined as folk belief deeply connected to the
religion of jinja or traditional ideas of kami. Although the
concept of Folk Shinto might be slightly ambiguous, it is quite
useful when discussing the actual behavior of people. Because they
hold various ideas of kami and pray to them in their daily lives,
yet without holding particular relations to rituals at jinja nor
the teachings of religious organizations.12
While Folk Shinto is related to Jinja Shint?(Shrine Shinto) in
many ways, it sometimes has no relationship to the latter. That is
to say, Folk Shinto shows its own principle of behavior pattern
irrespective of the traditional manners of each jinja, even if it
is connected to Shrine Shinto. For example, many Japanese don't
care what deities are enshrined at the shrines they visit.
Although the number of visitors during the first few days of the
New Year is the largest at the Meiji Shrine in Tokyo, most of the
young visitors haven't the slightest idea as to what deities are
enshrined there. For some reason they also think that the shrine
is a traditional one, even though it was actually only established
in 1920. Many Japanese decide what shrine to visit during New
Year's chiefly for the reason that the shrine is relatively
famous, not because the kami they venerate as their clan deity or
guarding deity is enshrined there. On the other hand, they tend to
visit a shrine when the enshrined kami is one that will fulfill
their specific desires or needs. Thus, they will visit an Inari
Shrine when praying for business or commercial success, a Tenjin
Shrine when hoping for success on an entrance examination, or a
shrine where Ôkuninushi no mikoto is enshrined when asking for a
happy marriage. Accordingly, in Tokyo candidates for an
examination might visit Yushima Tenjin Shrine or in Kyushu they
might go to Dazaifu Tenman Shrine, because the spirit of Sugawara
Michizane, the patron kami of scholarship, is enshrined there.
Here, there is a fusion of general veneration of kami based on
worship at jinja and specific prayers or petitions to kami aimed
at obtaining particular this-worldly benefits. Thus, the attitude
toward kami is often quite free, even when it is concerned with
kami at shrines.
In the Tokugawa era, there was a very interesting phenomenon
called hayarigami in which it was fashionable for people to
believe in a certain god. A particular deity or Buddha, stones,
and sometimes even living persons suddenly became objects of
special prayers (usually for healing). The news spread widely by
word of mouth and in a short time many worshippers began to
gather. As this phenomenon mostly occurred without any connection
to traditional jinja, it can be regarded as a typical form of Folk
Shinto.
In the Tokugawa era about eighty percent of the population were
farmers and peasants. Therefore, agricultural rituals were the
most important among the various rituals related to professions.
Nowadays, the percentage of farmers has decreased to as little as
several percent, but the number of agricultural rituals remains
large in many districts. In such rituals, the community members
band together to pray to and give thanks to the kami. Ancestral
spirits are often included as kami in these types of rituals.
Yanagita Kunio, the so-called founder of folklore in Japan,
advocated the idea that the gods of rice fields and the gods of
mountains are actually ancestral spirits. The fusion of kami and
ancestral spirits is one of the characteristics of Folk Shinto.
Among the kami of Folk Shinto, there exist such various types of
kami as those venerated at jinja, those influenced by Chinese folk
beliefs, those that became famous as a result of the fusion of
Buddhism and Shinto, those that came to be venerated by chance,
and those whose origins are not clear. It is a feature of Folk
Shinto that the people --- the "end-users," if you will --- pick
and choose from among these miscellaneous kami the ones they wish
to venerate. The benefits to be obtained by praying to these kami
play are big part in their choice.
Concluding Remarks
As we have seen, the ideas of kami among Japanese are quite
diversified and call for a variety of analyses. Researchers from
across a wide spectrum of disciplines --- mythology, comparative
religions, the history of Japanese religions, and Japanese thought
--- are conducting studies about kami. The papers included in this
volume demonstrate one aspect of such research.
The ideas of kami among Japanese have heretofore been discussed
principally as a matter of comparison with Western ideas of
monotheism. In the future, however, a comparison with the ideas
found in East Asian countries should prove interesting partly
because of their similarity with Japanese ideas of kami and partly
because of their differences. Polytheism is common in these
countries, but the combination is different than that in Japan.
The fusion of Buddhism and Shinto --- which some scholars have
understood as a typical phenomenon in Japanese religious history
--- should be compared with similar phenomenon in Asian countries
--- for example, with the fusion of Buddhism and Hinduism in
India, with Buddhism and Taoism in China, and Buddhism and
shamanism in Korea. The material for such comparisons is abundant.
Our expectation for the future is to undertake research from this
perspective.
Notes
1. Many etymological theories exist regarding the origins of kami,
but none of them is entirely satisfactory. Among them, the
interpretation of Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801) is the most famous
and popular. In his interpretation the word kami was used as an
appellation for all beings which possess an extraordinary ability
or virtue, and which are awesome and worthy of reverence.
2. For this reason, scholars have tended to analyze the nature of
kami in ancient times in terms of animism. It may be possible to
discuss the characteristics of kami in this way, if animism is
defined as E.B.Tylor did, that is, as the general belief in
spiritual beings. However, the ideas of kami tend to contain
rather systematic principles in the course of historical
development. Therefore, animism alone is inadequate for discussing
the various characters of kami.
3. It should be noted that the concept of Shinto (the way of kami)
itself was developed only after Buddhism had been introduced in
order to identify the indigenous Japanese religious system.
4. Jingûji or shrine-temples were established according to this
notion.
5. Honji-suijaku literally means true nature-manifest traces. In
other words, kami were understood to be manifest traces of
Buddhist realities, that is, buddhas or bodhisattvas. For example,
the honji or true nature of the Grand Shrines of Ise was believed
to be the buddha Birushana (Skt. Vairocana), or one of the
bodhisattvas Kannon (Skt. Avalokitesvara); the Grand Shrine of
Izumo's honji was the bodhissattva Seishi (Skt. Mahasthamaprapta);
and the Atsuta Shrine had Dainichi Nyorai (Skt. Vairocana) as its
honji.
6. Other estimates put the figure around 700,000-800,000.
7. See Sasaki Kiyoshi's paper in this volume.
8. According to the research survey carried out by the Project on
Religious Education at IJCC, Kokugakuin University, over nine
hundred religious schools existed in Japan in 1993 and 67.4% of
them were established by Christian denominations. Those
established by Buddhist denominations followed, and about one
fourth of the total. See IJCC ed., Data Book on Religious
Education, Suzuki Publishing Co., 1993.
9. For example, while the notion of tenshin chigi originated in
China, the content of the notion differs somewhat between China
and Japan. To the notions of heavenly gods (tenshin) and earthly
gods (chigi) in Chinese belief the Japanese notions of amatsukami
and kunitsukami were mixed. According to the presently prevailing
theory, amatsukami refers to the gods who are connected with the
origin of the Yamato dynasty, while kunitsukami refers to
indigenous kami in each local district.
10. One of the most important points to keep in mind when
considering the development of ideas of kami at jinja (shrines) is
the identity of the financial supporters of the jinja in each
historical period. The nation was the chief supporter in the
ancient and medieval periods. From the middle of the medieval
period, however, national control of the jinja became weaker and
the situation became more complicated. At the end of the 12th
century, the samurai class took control of the government from the
nobles and established the Kamakura government. Political control
by the samurai class continued until the middle of the 19th
century. With the appearance of samurai, worship of kami came into
new stage. Each clan of samurai enshrined their ancestral deities,
sometimes with the hope of making a connection with a famous
samurai clan such as the Genji. Thus, Hachiman was widely
enshrined as it was the ancestral deity of the Genji clan. In the
Tokugawa era ordinary people took a more important role in
supporting jinja. As commercial activities became more and more
active in the Tokugawa era, Inari, the kami benefactor of
businessmen and merchants, began to spread throughout Japan. In
the period from the Meiji restoration to the end of WWII, the
state managed the main shrines. The Shinto priests of these
shrines were a kind of government official. With the separation of
church and state in the postwar constitution worship at jinja
became quite free and jinja supporters were ordinary people. The
result of this is that popular jinja managed well irrespective of
their origin or historical development, while some jinja in
sparsely populated rural areas had to close.
11. On the concept of "new religion," see the discussion in the
introductory chapter in the second volume of this series, New
Religions.
12. This is often observed in modern Japan. On this point, see the
third volume of this series, Folk Beliefs in Modern Japan.
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